FACTORS INFLUENCING SINGLE MOTHER’S EMPLOYMENT STATUS (2024)

Abstract

Changes in the welfare system limit the length of time a person can receive welfare benefits, thus mandating employment for many current welfare recipients. Single mothers with young children who do not become employed will lose financial support for housing, food, clothing, and health care and place their own and their children’s health and safety at risk. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore women’s experiences of being unemployed and to examine the barriers to employment perceived by single mothers who expressed a desire to be employed. Nine mothers were recruited from a larger sample of single mothers who had participated in a quantitative study about employment conducted 1 to 2 years earlier. Using focus group interviews, mothers were asked what it was like to be a single mother, and then what barriers to their employment they perceived. Two dimensions were identified from the mothers’ statements. The first, a sense of obligation, included themes of “being there” for their own and their child’s benefit and doing what it takes to optimize the child’s growth and development. The second, negotiating the obstacles, referred to problems regarding child care, lack of involvement of the child’s father, and lack of support from relatives and friends for the mother’s efforts toward securing employment. These findings have important implications for welfare reform, namely, that efforts aimed at moving nonemployed single mothers into the workforce will fail if these factors are not considered.

INTRODUCTION

Welfare reform has focused attention on single mothers receiving welfare rather than entering the workforce. Although specific provisions differ by state, many women on welfare and their children are now faced with losing their only source of financial support and health care coverage. That is, single mothers who do not become employed within the specified time period will no longer receive financial support from the government for housing, food, clothing, and health care. Thus, without employment or welfare benefits, the health, safety, and well-being of single mothers and their children are at risk. Media stereotyping has suggested that single mothers engage in behaviors to avoid employment; however, a recent study found that many single mothers prefer to be employed () but have difficulty doing so. Although there have been qualitative studies of employment issues with married mothers with young children, similar studies of single mothers have not been reported. In addition, there are few quantitative studies of factors related to employment of single mothers. The purpose of this study was to explore women’s experiences of being unemployed and to examine the barriers to employment perceived by single mothers who expressed a desire to be employed.

Factors that have been related to employment of single mothers include education, marital status, race, number and ages of children, and attitudes about employment. Employed single mothers have more education (; Youngblut et al., 1997) and are more likely to be separated, widowed, or divorced rather than never married (Youngblut et al., 1997). Klerman and Leibowitz (1994) found that White single mothers were more likely to be employed than Black single mothers. Shapiro and Mott (1994) found a positive relationship between length of time single and length of time employed for White women, but not for African-American women.

The impact of children on employment of single mothers varies across studies. Investigators have found that employment of the mother was related to age of the oldest child (Chrissinger, 1980), but not to age of the youngest child (). Perhaps this is because older children can take care of the younger children when the mother is working away from home. Youngblut and colleagues (1997) found that employed single mothers had fewer children than nonemployed single mothers. Interestingly, having an infant or preschool child who was born prematurely was not related to the mother’s past or current employment in single-parent (Youngblut et al., 1997) and two-parent (Youngblut, 1995) families. Gennaro (1996) found lower employment rates for low-income women with preterms than the national average, but did not compare them with the employment rates for low-income women with full-terms in the same geographical location.

Attitudes toward employment, especially for single mothers, also have been a focus of media stereotypes and national attention; however, the limited empirical evidence contradicts these stereotypes. Chrissinger (1980) found that single mothers had positive attitudes toward employment regardless of their degree of laborforce participation. More recently, in a sample of families with preterm and full-term preschoolers, Youngblut et al. (1997) found that employed single mothers held more positive attitudes about employment than nonemployed single mothers, a finding that is consistent with studies of attitudes held by married mothers with preterm infants (Youngblut, 1995; ).

In summary, research has characterized single mothers who are likely to be employed based primarily on demographic factors. With changes in welfare regulations, many mothers are trying to make the transition from welfare to work. An additional challenge will be maintaining and sustaining employment until retirement age. Employment of single mothers is expected to result in greater financial resources, greater opportunities, and more desirable role models for their children, and an improved standard of living, all factors that affect the mental and physical health and well-being of the women and their children. This qualitative study was designed to identify factors related to employment status from the women’s point of view.

METHODS

A sample of 9 women was selected from a larger quantitative study of single mothers with preterm and full-term preschoolers (Youngblut et al., 1997). Women’s responses to questions about actual and desired employment status in that study were used to identify the pool of possible participants. Specifically, women who were single, not employed, and desiring either part-time or full-time employment when enrolled in the larger study were eligible to participate. The subsample of women for this study was selected to represent diversity in race and number of children. A total of 19 women were contacted, 15 agreed to participate, and 9 came to one of the three focus group sessions. There were 4 women in the first session, 3 in the second session, and 2 in the third session. Since the women in the third session echoed responses provided by women in the first two sessions and added no new themes, we decided theoretical saturation had been reached. Thus, the final sample consisted of these 9 women. Women gave informed consent for audio- and videotaping the focus group sessions. Audiotapes were transcribed verbatim; videotapes were used to verify the identification of the speaker. Women were paid $25 for their participation in the focus group session, and on-site child care was provided at no charge to the women.

RESULTS

The experience of unemployment for single mothers who expressed a desire to by employed was explored during focus group interviews. The question used to start the interview was, “What has it been like for you as a single parent?” If the discussion did not include factors related to employment, the group was asked what barriers to their obtaining employment they perceived. Emerging themes were clustered together under two broad dimensions: a sense of obligation and negotiating the obstacles.

DISCUSSION

The single mothers in this study expressed a desire to be employed but had to balance that desire with the overwhelming sense of obligation and responsibility often reported by single mothers to provide for their children’s emotional and material needs (). Our single mothers felt they were “doing what it takes” to meet their children’s needs; however, their definition of “what it takes” varied across women and sometimes was conflicting for an individual woman. One woman described balancing the demands of continuing her education with the needs of her children. Others talked about trading off financial benefits of living with extended family members with their own mental health and need for independence.

Being there for their children both physically and emotionally was an important consideration for the single mothers in this study. Some attributed their need to be there to concerns about the child’s physical safety. These are very real concerns for families receiving welfare benefits, considering the high rates of crime and violence in low-income neighborhoods () and the negative psychological influences of crime and violence on children (). Other mothers voiced concern about their child’s emotional safety or well-being, feeling that the child was more comfortable, secure, and emotionally healthy when the mother was present. Still others described their need or desire to watch and enjoy their children’s development, a need or desire frequently expressed by married mothers, and increasingly, by fathers also. All of these concerns reflect normal parenting concerns well documented in two-parent families, but often stereotyped as absent in single-parent families.

The single mothers in this study identified three major obstacles to their becoming employed or attending school. The first, child care issues, and perhaps the second, lack of involvement of the father in the care of the children, were expected. However, the third, lack of support and facilitation of the women’s efforts toward becoming employed or improving employability by family and friends, was an unexpected finding.

Child care issues included affordability, availability, and safety. For most mothers, child care was too expensive in comparison to the amount of money they could earn on the job. Although some states, including Ohio, where this study was conducted, provide financial assistance for child care expenses incurred because of the mother’s employment, none of the mothers in the sample mentioned aid from the state for child care. Thus, among welfare recipients, existence of this benefit known may not be widely known or understood. Efforts to make this benefit to single mothers of young children may increase the number of single mothers who are employed or actively seeking employment. In addition, enhancing women’s education and job skills would make them eligible for higher paying jobs, diminishing the negative effect of the cost of child care.

For other mothers, child care was affordable but not available. Child care providers were either too far out of the way between work or school and home, or were not available during the hours of the day that the mothers needed them. Child care centers either opened too late in the morning or closed too early in the evening to allow the mothers to meet both work/school and child care center timeframes. In addition, quality child care for late evening or nighttime hours is difficult to obtain. One suggestion the mothers offered to remedy this situation was for employers or schools to provide child care on site. This action would certainly benefit two-parent families as well. Another creative solution might be to teach women in low-income neighborhoods to provide high-quality child care; this would not only make child care more convenient and available, but would provide jobs for women currently receiving welfare benefits.

An equally important issue about child care was finding a child care provider that the mothers trusted. As noted earlier, one mother confided that she had been molested by a babysitter when she was young, resulting in her current lack of trust of child care providers. Concern about the safety of children while in the care of others is not limited to single mothers; indeed, it also is an important issue for parents in two-parent families. However, the pervasive sense of distrust of others that Sachs et al. (1997) found among low-income women, often related to a history of psychological and/or physical abuse, may make this concern even more salient for low-income mothers.

The second obstacle to employment was the lack of involvement of fathers in their children’s care; this was a source of disappointment and frustration for the mothers. Involvement of the father could decrease the mother’s overwhelming sense of responsibility and perhaps facilitate her movement into the workforce by providing child care or transportation to or from the child care provider. However, in some cases, fathers may not be able to be involved, particularly if they are incarcerated, live in another city or state, or are not aware that they have fathered children. In other cases, involvement of the father may no be desired, such as if there is severe conflict between the mother and the father or a history of substance abuse or physical abuse of the mother or child by the father (). Since low-income families are more likely to experience domestic violence or parental incarceration (), expecting the father’s involvement in the child’s care may not be realistic. However, the father’s financial support of the family also would ease some of the mother’s sense of overwhelming responsibility and obligation. Of course, financial support from the father might enable the mother to make use of other services or provide access to other resources that would make the transition to employment easier.

The most unexpected, and perhaps the most disturbing, obstacle mothers in this research described is the process of negative social support, and in some cases, active undermining by family and friends. Women who were trying to obtain employment, increase their education, or improve their employability skills received negative comments from family and friends about their efforts. In addition, some women found that family and friends would provide child care so the mother could attend recreational or entertainment functions, but would not tend the children when the mother needed these supports for work-related activities. Both of these experiences suggest that family and friends perceived the women’s attempts at employment as a threat to the status quo or as an indication that they also should be pursuing employment or job training programs.

For women who are thinking about entering the workforce, this negative support may prevent them from acting on their intentions. For women who are trying to overcome the other obstacles to obtain or sustain employment, this active undermining could result in their giving up their efforts and staying on or returning to welfare. In either case, the negative feedback from family and friends is likely to cause considerable stress for the mother and her children. With current welfare reform initiatives, it also could produce negative outcomes for the health and well-being of the mother and children.

In summary, single mothers identify many of the same issues about their employment as married mothers do: wanting to be there for their children’s achievement of developmental milestones and to transmit their own beliefs and values, concern about the children’s emotional and physical well-being, availability and affordability of child care, and involvement of the father in the child’s care. Two-parent families, however, have more resources with which to solve these issues. Single mothers must bear the entire burden unless aided by others. The expression of negative support and feelings of threat by family and friends increase the mother’s burden and hinder her attempts to obtain necessary job skills or qualifications and to seek employment. Without the assistance of community or church groups, increased education and job training, and greater fiscal responsibility from fathers for the support of their children, single mothers may be unable to cope with the added conflict and stress from welfare reform mandates and find the personal energy needed to parent their children appropriately while overcoming the obstacles to employment.

Acknowledgments

This study was supported by a grant from the National Institute of Nursing Research (#R01 NR02707) and an administrative supplement from the Office of Research on Women’s Health, National Institutes of Health.

Footnotes

Contributor Information

JoAnne M. Youngblut, Frances Payne Bolton School of Nursing, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA.

Noreen R. Brady, Frances Payne Bolton School of Nursing, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA.

Dorothy Brooten, Frances Payne Bolton School of Nursing, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio, USA.

Debera J. Thomas, Florida Atlantic University, Boca Raton, Florida, USA.

References